The premium quality Champagne Vollereaux and Francois Voyer Cognac both had official launch in Lagos on Friday, February 17, 2017 under the aegis of Utec Green Limited. The official launch and press conference held at Ikeja, Lagos with attendance from members of the press and the public.
The launch and press conference also had in attendance, Julien Breuzon  and Norgam Noutet, company representative for both Champagne Vollereaux and Francois Voyer Cognac respectively.

The Music legends gets millions of views on youtube 10 days after dropping there new song "AWAY".This shows pSquare are not slack yet unlike there other music mates.

The Acting President, Yemi Osinbajo has withheld assent to four Bills including the National Lottery Amendment Bill 2016.
Osinbajo conveyed his position in a letter to the Senate, read on the floor Wednesday by President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki.
According to the Acting President, he declined to sign the Lottery Bill because of the existence of a pending legal challenge to the competence of the National Assembly to legislate on the subject matter.
The letter read:

Pursuant to section 58(4) of the constitution, I hereby convey to the senate my decision to withhold assent to the National Lottery Amendment Bill 2016 recently passed by the National Assembly.
The rationale for withholding assent to the Bill is the existence of a pending legal challenge to the competence of the National Assembly to legislate on the subject matter.
Distinguished Senate President please, accept the assurances of my highest considerations.
Similarly, I withhold assent to Dangerous Drugs Amendment Bill 2016.
The rationale for withholding assent to the Bill are the concerns regarding certain words and phrases utilised in the draft Bill that may be inconsistent with the Principal Act. For example section 6 of the Bill with section 21 of the Principal Act and the spirit behind the proposed amendments.

Others the Acting President said are the Agricultural Credit Guarantee Scheme Fund Amendment Bill 2016 saying the reasons for withholding assent to the Bill are the concerns surrounding board composition, proposals to increase level of un-collateralised loans from N5000 to N250, 000.
The fourth Bill which the Acting President withheld assent to was the Currency Conversion Freezing Orders Amendment Bill 2016.
“The rationale for withholding assent to the Bill is the concern regarding modalities for the communication of asset forfeiture orders,” he said.
In a swift reaction, Senator Dino Melaye (APC-Kogi) said that democracy was standing on the basic principle of Separation of Powers which stipulated the different functions of the three arms of government.

“The role of the executive is to carry out their fundamental objectives by signing anything that has being passed by this House. If withheld, it becomes so dangerous for our democracy and our powers to legislate will be taken away from us as enshrined in chapter four of the constitution.
So the role of the executive is to assent to any law passed by this House. And anyone who has problem with it can go to court. May it not be a pathway for democracy if we keep quiet and allow the power of the legislature to be usurped by the noncompliance to the provisions of the constitution,” he said.

Also speaking, Senator George Sekibo (PDP-Rivers) said that the National Assembly had power to override the veto of the President.
“The way the constitution is framed, they have their own roles to play, we have our own roles. We check each other. The matter is in the court and based on our rule we cannot discuss on it. If it is just that the President did not give assent, we have to look at the merits of the particular Bill if it meets the standard. And if the court matter is not going to impede on what we are going to do, then we can override the veto of the President,” he said.
In his remarks, Saraki said that the Senate will refer the matter to its legal department for advice on the interpretations to some of the things.
“It is a matter that we must take seriously because it goes down to the issue of Separation of Powers.”

The  2017 Brit Awards took place at The O2 Arena in London, England on February 22nd, 2017.
Little Mix and Rihanna took the lead alongside Skepta for the most nominations this year with three each, while Drake and the late David Bowie followed closely behind with two nominations each.
There were some really big winners throughout the night including Beyoncé and Drake, who both won in their respective International Artist category.
See the complete list of winners below
Critics’ Choice Award: Rag’n’Bone Man
British Male Solo Artist: David Bowie
British Female Solo Artist: Emeli Sandé
British Group: The 1975
British Breakthrough Act: Rag’n’Bone Man
British Single: Little Mix – Shout Out To My Ex
Mastercard Album of the Year: David Bowie – Blackstar
British Artist Video of the Year: One Direction – History
International Male Solo Artist: Drake
International Female Solo Artist: Beyoncé
International Group: A Tribe Called Quest
Global Success Award: Adele
Brits Icon Award: Robbie Williams

Industry nite comes to Abuja this Thursday with a big and mad surprise which will be hosting Seyi shay, Illblisss and Skales live at EXHALE LOUNGE, BY 9PM PROMPT... DONT MISS OUT, ITS gonna be fun

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Mavin Records go lengendly on Korede Bello "Do Like That" by getting American super star female R&B Singer Kelly Rowland on this fresh remix which was produced by Altims.

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In the 1960s, white supremacist terrorism and an incipient black militancy threatened to push the United States into a racial civil war. Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson recognised that racist violence and injustice against the African-American minority represented a crime against American order and they deployed federal power to enforce the civil rights of African-Americans, racial integration, the desegregation of schools and other principles to which racist local authorities were resistant. The same sociopolitical logic has led Western liberal democracies to develop a jurisprudential intolerance of hate crimes, hate speech and other infractions that are deemed capable of inciting group violence and undermining social order.

In Nigeria, successive governments have failed to recognise and act decisively against these crimes that polarise society and further devalue Nigerian life. The perverse principle that evidently overshadows both our politics and jurisprudence is that mass-murderers morph into political activists once they can define their crimes as motivated by ethnic, religious, or group considerations. While the killing of an individual by an individual is viewed as a prosecutable crime, the mass murder of groups by groups is seen as politics and therefore somehow justifiable.

Serial bloody violence in recent weeks involving herdsmen and farmers across Nigeria, notably in Agatu, Benue State, has brought this dynamic into sharp focus. The subsequent recrimination has keyed into the narrative of Nigeria as a nation fractured by deep sectarian cleavages. The federal government’s glacial reaction to the violence at a time when it is led by a Fulani president is enabling bigoted demagogues paint circumstantially-coherent conspiracy theories that dangerously fuel mutual distrust and paranoia.

To be clear, all diverse societies have their patterns of sectarian strife. The Nigerian state’s failure to act decisively against banditry is paving way for further violence. Her weak institutions enable violent communal self-help, whether in the form of armed herdsmen protecting cattle from rustlers or potentially the imminent formation of local paramilitaries to confront marauding herders. Hinterland communities increasingly resemble frontier societies like America’s Wild West; the reign of the outlaw has supplanted the rule of law and a vicious cycle of retaliatory violence and blood feuds could yet escalate into greater conflict. All this is happening while politicians that are so adept at using “federal might” to enforce their will during local elections are unwilling to deploy the same federal might to protect local communities from violence.

Groups resort to self-help for two reasons – either the arm of the state is too short to protect the citizenry from harm or where the state itself acts like a terrorist organisation and thereby erodes the legitimacy of its monopoly of violence. The disclosure that last December’s massacre of Shiites in Zaria by the Nigerian Army cost the lives of 347 men, women and children is an example of the latter. So too is the shooting in the same month of peaceful and unarmed pro-Biafra supporters in the South-East. The slaughter of over 300 civilians in an illicit military operation has yet to elicit any serious federal official response.

In a society with a higher valuation of human life, these atrocities would have triggered great public outcry, a high-level inquiry, the rolling of official heads, the termination of careers and criminal prosecutions of the culpable no matter their location in the chain of command. The government’s silence on these incidents tells us that mass murder is also permissible when carried out by agents of the state.

The state’s response to the privatisation of violence has been appalling. After the outlawed Yan Sakai vigilantes killed 26 Fulani herdsmen in Zamfara in late March, the state police command’s public relations officer was reported by the Blueprint newspaper to have claimed that “only 13 innocent Fulani herdsmen” had been killed in the attack. After the Agatu killings, the Inspector General of Police Solomon Arase insisted that the casualty figures were exaggerated although he failed to provide any figures of his own. This sort of dissembling is a long established tradition. In June 1986, after the police massacred protesting students of the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, the Vice-Chancellor, Ango Abdullahi reportedly claimed that “only four” students had been killed to which an incensed Dele Giwa retorted, “One life taken in cold blood is as gruesome as the countless numbers that may go down in a pogrom.” The government’s habit of downplaying the number of casualties after incidents of violence raises the question of how many Nigerian dead bodies constitute a tragedy worthy of intelligent official reaction?

The federal negligence of its overarching duty of care towards all citizens has permitted the creation of a class of prey – “non-indigenes”, “infidels,” “settlers” and assorted categories of minorities – all of whom can be casually liquidated in any of those incidents often imprecisely described as “ethno-religious clashes” or “civil disturbances” but which are really bouts of terroristic impunity and mass mayhem by state forces and non-state actors.

President Buhari’s response (or lack thereof) to the atrocities committed on his watch has been grossly disappointing. From the perspective of national security considerations, it hardly makes sense to allow these clashes to snowball in the Middle Belt – a region with a heavy concentration of military veterans – and therefore huge potential for the escalated militarisation of the conflict. In political terms, the administration is guilty of self-subversive negligence. Buhari’s epochal victory last year rested on a grand coalition of which Benue was a part. Although historically a bastion of anti-Fulani populism in the Middle Belt, and long a theatre of strife between farmers and Fulani herders, the people of Benue defied the ethnic dog-whistling of rival politicians to vote for a Fulani as president. Self-aggrandising political considerations alone should have necessitated a more humane and intelligent response to the tragedy there if only to assuage the feelings of those that voted in this government. Instead, the presidential spokesman, Femi Adesina, argued that the president did not have to visit Agatu, betraying a tone-deafness and emotional unintelligence flowing from the very top and which could yet prove to be Buhari’s political undoing.

The recurrent indictments of the army for these reckless lethal force incidents are particularly annoying. They come at a time when the dominant narrative about the military should be its valour and heroic sacrifices in liberating the North-East from terrorist rule. It is not so much a case of bad public relations as it is an example of how an institution’s most radiant feats can be eclipsed by its demons. At a time when we should be celebrating the courage of Nigerian troops, we are lamenting yet again the homicidal tendencies of some within their ranks.

And yet it is also true that during the spate of sectarian violence that plagued places like Kaduna in the early 2000s, many residents customarily sought refuge in the army base. When the Ezza and the Ezillo communities battled each other with feral fury in defiance of any mythical Biafran concord, it was the Nigerian army that was called in to restore order and prevent both groups from achieving mutual genocide. This is a manifestation of “federal might” with which most Nigerians can positively identify. The military can be a force for good when its leaders are not using it as a crude battering ram.

We should be applauding the security services for notable victories in the war against terrorism such as the recent capture of Khalid al-Barnawi, an internationally wanted terrorist and leader of Ansaru. Instead, we must grapple with the malign folly exhibited by the Department of State Services in accusing the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) of murdering five “Hausa-Fulani” residents discovered among fifty-five shallow graves of unidentified persons – an allegation made entirely without offering a scintilla of proof. The DSS statement offered no suspects arrested for prosecution, no interest in unraveling the far more urgent mystery of whose bodies occupy those fifty-five shallow graves and no evidence of the forensic methodology it used to identify “Hausa-Fulani” corpses from the scores of other unearthed bodies.

The agency seemed more interested in criminalising and demonising IPOB, even at the expense of an incendiary unsupported claim that could ignite retaliatory violence against Igbos in the North. Such irresponsibility requires questions to be asked at the highest levels of government regarding who sanctioned such a subversive statement capable of fuelling sectarian discord. This sort of ineptitude erodes public confidence in security agencies and the state at large.

To stem the tide of incipient anarchy, the Buhari administration must take certain decisive steps. First, President Buhari must discard his trademark stoic indifference to tragedies within his country and offer more emotionally intelligent responses to the sorrows of his compatriots. This calls for demonstrations of humanity rather than theatrical crocodile tears. A man who once wept publicly while campaigning unsuccessfully for the presidency is surely capable of more sensitivity and he must unearth this trait from wherever it is buried beneath layers of presidential aloofness and decorum. Demonstrating an impassive reserve for domestic catastrophes, while expressing profuse sympathies to foreign countries for their terror tragedies, is unacceptable. It was singularly obtuse when his predecessor did it and it still is. Empathy must begin at home.

A reform of the national security and law enforcement establishment is direly needed. The administration must demonstrate in word and deed that the era of justifiable and tolerable mass murder is over; that the untimely passage of even a single Nigerian life is not an acceptable abomination; and crucially, that murderers and terrorists will not be treated as religious, political or ethnic activists but simply as murderers and terrorists.

To this end, the administration should establish a serious crimes squad with state-of-the-art training and equipment to combat terrorism, militancy and ethno-religious clashes, facilitate local and communal policing initiatives that restore trust among local citizens, provide comprehensive compensation plan for victims of communal clashes, sectarian violence and terrorism; and initiate a national reconciliation and healing plan, while ensuring the teaching in our schools of religious tolerance and public demonstrations of religious and ethnic tolerance by public officials.

These measures are not beyond the government. They are, in fact, campaign promises which Buhari himself ran on and which can be found in the APC manifesto. The president and his party merely need to keep their word.

Source

www.360n0bs.com 

Here is the studio virtual song of Sarkodie remix of OJUELEGBA of Starboy Boss WIZKID. When we are talking of Influence, this is the confirm of Nigeria Sound over Ghana.
Watch || Sream below to get my point...